On Iraq, Edwards supports the immediate withdrawal of 40,000 to 50,000 U.S. troops (down to 100,000) and then the complete withdrawal of all troops within 12 to 18 months. This may be a little timid, as the public clamor for withdrawal is growing. And it is true that Edwards holds no office currently, so he is free to say whatever he thinks about Iraq without having to back his stances up by voting for one bill or another. But you have to give Edwards some credit -- of all the people running who voted for the Iraq war in the first place, Edwards was the first one (by about a year) to come out and admit he had made a mistake.

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But what if a half century, or even a full century (it all depends on how you define "heir apparent," apparently...) isn't long enough to hearken back in American history to find a more chaotic election? What if we have to reach back to the dim and distant past of 1825 for an equivalent event?

Since I've raised the question of what would happen if the presidential race were actually decided in the House, I will follow that thought out onto its limb and make a prediction how it will all turn out.

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Biggest weakness : The media's focus on the gender issue. Hillary has to walk not just one tightrope, but many. It's all about how the media sees her -- if she is aggressive and decisive they scream "cold, calculating, dominating" and all of that -- and if she tries to show her human side or exhibit any charisma whatsoever, the media focuses on "she's appealing to the woman vote, she looks awkward, she'll never eclipse Bill." Seems she can't win. No wonder she hires so many consultants -- her campaign is "under the microscope" more than any other candidate, with the possible exception of Obama and the race issue. But this winds up (no matter which way she plays it) as a "weakness" to the media. Maybe not so much to voters.

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Whereas in commuting Mr. Libby’s sentence, President Bush has finally and unalterably breached any remaining shred of trust that he had left with the American people and rewarded political loyalty while flouting the rule of law: Now, therefore let be it —

Resolved, That the United States Congress does hereby censure George W. Bush, President of the United States, and does condemn his decision to commute the portion of Mr. Libby’s sentence that required him to spend thirty months in prison, his unconscionable abuse of his authority with regard to the deceitful chain of events concerning the falsifying intelligence on Iraqi nuclear capabilities and the exaggeration of the threat posed by Iraq, his involvement in the clear political retaliation against former Ambassador and Ms. Wilson, and his decision to reward the perjury of Mr. Libby, which effectively protected President Bush, Vice President Cheney, and other Administration officials from further scrutiny.

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Since I haven't covered them yet, my first articles will examine the differences between the three frontrunners. I will use the same format I used previously to examine their positions, policy ideas, and websites.

I feel that such scrutiny is necessary, since the mainstream media are currently running in-depth stories from John Edwards' hairstylist. I wish I were kidding, but I'm not.

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"How much does Bush know about the case? Did he do an in-depth analysis of it or not? Why are you trying to have it both ways by saying Bush spent weeks on it, but never read what the jury saw? Please clarify this contradiction."

"Does Bush indeed think Scooter is guilty of a crime? Does he agree with the jury's verdict?"

"What did the parole commission actually say? Didn't they recommend a sentence of at least 15 (or 16?) months in prison for Scooter's crime? Why do you keep denying this?"

"Doesn't the consultation process for commuting a sentence usually involve true consultation with both the Justice Department and the prosecutor of the case, and not merely talking to them to 'refresh memories' about the case?"

"How can you say with a straight face that 'this wasn't granting a favor' and that 'politics played no part' in the decision? Do you think the American people are that stupid?"

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I still stand by this prediction. Bush has obviously decided that the people who don't approve of him are just not going to change their mind before the end of his term, and therefore 40% approval ratings would be about as high as he can ever hope for again in the next nineteen months.

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I love that "last resort" -- if all else fails, resort to totalitarianism: if we don't like what you are saying, then our goons will chuck you out. And I love the fact that not only young republicans (that properly should be capitalized, but if they're not going to, then I certainly don't feel inclined to), but also jocks and frat boys will be recruited for these "rally squads." Perhaps they should all wear brown shirts so they can recognize each other?

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. . . The mainstream media had lots of fun with the Pentagon funding a "gay bomb" and other fantastical projects last week (and the late night talk show hosts had even more fun with it). The fact that the Pentagon funds some wacky projects shouldn't actually come as news to anyone familiar with the story of the "hafnium bomb" -- an idea for a grenade-sized nuke that has about as much evidence of ever becoming reality as cold fusion.

I guess I really shouldn't mock the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), too much, since they're also the folks who brought us the very internet you are reading this on. See? Some of their stuff turns out OK.

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But, as I said, whatever the political price eventually is should not matter. Because some leadership is needed here. And that's what leadership is -- doing the right thing, while convincing enough of your opponents that it is the right thing... and then absolutely refusing to back down.

This war needs to end. If the Democrats don't do it in September, then they will be no better than the Republicans who led us into this war, and have enabled Bush ever since. Poll numbers show this, and Democrats know it. Enough Republicans need to be enticed or scared into crossing the aisle, in order to force Bush to get the troops out. Once again, here is what it will take: 60 to 70 in the House; 17 or 18 in the Senate. Once those numbers are reached, Bush's opinion ceases to be relevant.

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