For a long time now, I've been calling on the Democratic Party to go through the same soul-searching exercise that Republicans did in 2013 after losing a presidential election. The GOP, back then, put out an "autopsy" or "post-mortem" document which examined why they lost and offered suggestions for improving the party's chances in the future. Democrats, I thought, would have been well-served by the same sort of self-examination after 2016, but it never actually appeared from the national party. Because it still hasn't appeared from the national party, a group of Democrats have been inspired to create such a document on their own. This new document can be viewed on the site democraticautopsy.org, and it is well worth a read by anyone who cares about the future of the Democratic Party.

Of the four listed authors, three have ties to the Democratic Party apparatus, including a member of the board of the California Democratic Party (and current chair of the California Democratic Party's Progressive Caucus), as well as a member of the State Central Democratic Committee member (and ward chair) of New Mexico. One is a founder of RootsAction.org, "an online activist group with 1.3 million active supporters," and one is a "communications specialist, researcher and writer who works for an international non-government organization" (N.G.O.). Two of the authors had ties to Bernie Sanders's presidential campaign, but the document is not any sort of "Hillary-bashing" exercise at all. It is not a relitigation of the Bernie Sanders/Hillary Clinton primary battle, although it does examine the flaws of both the party and the candidate in order to draw its conclusions. The document is a sweeping overview of what the authors feel is wrong with the party, and how the party should change to improve these flaws.

In fact, the document even includes a rather remarkable quote from Hillary Clinton's campaign memoir What Happened, one that I had not previously seen. In it, Clinton admits that Bernie's campaign style was worthy of emulation rather than mockery:

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Democrats just had the first very good week they've had in an entire year. Tuesday night, they absolutely swept the board in the few elections that were held. Now, granted, this was an off-off-year election, so it's too soon to say whether this presages a Democratic wave (or even a Democratic tsunami) in next year's midterm elections, but that doesn't detract from the gains Democratic candidates made all over the map this week. Michael Murphy, a Republican political strategist, summed up the impact of Tuesday night thusly: "Donald Trump is an anchor for the GOP. We got that message in loud volume in Virginia. The canary in the coal mine didn't just pass out; its head exploded."

But the best quote of the week came from a Virginia voter, marketing executive Toren Beasley. Quoted exiting a D.C. suburb's Starbucks, Beasley explained this year's motivation to vote:

It could have been Dr. Seuss or the Berenstain Bears on the ballot and I would have voted for them if they were a Democrat. I might do more analyses in other years. But in this case, no. No one else gets any consideration because what's going on with the Republicans -- I'm talking about Trump and his cast of characters -- is stupid, stupid, stupid. I can't say "stupid" enough times.

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Before Tuesday's election returns started coming in, I was cautious and wary of getting my expectations up too high. Yesterday, after the scope of the Democratic sweep had sunk in, I was in a much more optimistic mood. Today, with the Washington Post bombshell story on Roy Moore's disgraceful past, it seems like the time for some good old-fashioned wild-eyed speculation. Such has been the rollercoaster of the week for Democrats and progressives everywhere.

Roy Moore now stands accused of sexually molesting a 14-year-old girl, back when he was in his early 30s. Three other women from the same time period also accused him of dating them and kissing them when they were underage teenagers. This is all a continuation of the fallout from the Harvey Weinstein revelations, which has led to a flood of accusations against men in many other sectors of society, including politicians. Victims are increasingly willing to tell their stories, and the public is not nearly as forgiving of such transgressions as they used to be. Moore is merely the most recent in a long list of predators who have been outed since the Weinstein story broke.

If Moore's accusers are telling the truth, then he had a predilection for very young teen girls when he was in his 30s. That's more than a little disturbing. People are already speculating about how many other young girls may have been targeted by Moore, and what other salacious details may be revealed next. But even if nothing else comes to light, the image of a thirtysomething adult engaged in heavy petting (or what the law would call sexual molestation, if not statutory rape) with a 14-year-old is already out there. And in today's unforgiving atmosphere, that's a pretty damning thing to be defined by.

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For the first time in an entire year, millions of Democrats woke up hopeful today. Rather than the continuing despair over the inescapable fact of "President Donald Trump," Democrats now have solid reason for political optimism. All of this cheerfulness stems from the election results of last night, where Democrats didn't just win and they didn't just win big, they absolutely swept the board. Which has many now predicting the swell of last night is the leading edge of a Democratic wave election, in next year's congressional midterms.

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If Democrats are ever going to have an even chance to control the House of Representatives for the next decade, they need to be fighting as hard as possible for control of more governors' offices. Normally these two things are not directly connected, but after the upcoming 2020 Census, they will be. Redistricting is, in most states, a political function of the state government, meaning control of the governor's office often means being able to gerrymander the lines to your party's advantage -- something Republicans proved very adept at doing after the 2010 Census. Democrats are at a decided disadvantage as things stand, so they need to score a number of victories in gubernatorial races in the next few years in order to level the House districting playing field.

I have to point out that I am writing this before the polls close in New Jersey and Virginia, so whatever happens tonight in these two states can't be taken into account by this article. There are only two likely outcomes of these races, either the Democrats win both states or the Republicans pick up Virginia while Democrats pick up New Jersey, which would preserve the status quo politically.

Currently (before the New Jersey and Virginia races are taken into account), Republicans control 34 governors' offices, Democrats hold 15, and one (Alaska) is held by an Independent. That's a pretty lopsided balance of power, and looking at the map shows just how much ground Democrats need to make up to achieve any sort of parity nationwide.

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Tomorrow is Election Day in certain parts of the country. As usual in odd-numbered years, the handful of major contests to be decided tomorrow night will be seen as a harbinger of what is to come in the 2018 midterm congressional elections. These off-off-year elections always seem to have an outsized effect on the narrative used by the political chattering class, as one party or another once again claims "the wind is at our backs" heading into the midterms. Sometimes these narratives prove to be correct, but other times they are later seen as nothing short of wishful thinking on a national scale. Figuring out the accuracy of the narratives which tomorrow's elections will breed won't be possible for another year, of course, but it won't stop the narratives from spreading in the meantime. Such narratives will certainly have an effect on the midterms, whether correct or not. So even if they prove to be false narratives in the end, they're worth paying attention to for the time being.

The election cycle which takes place one year after the presidential race has two big races that get the most attention: the gubernatorial races in New Jersey and Virginia. Both of these could produce interesting narratives, but currently most pundits are only paying attention to the Virginia race (which is much closer, therefore much more fun to analyze and predict). This is rather myopic, though, because the New Jersey race could produce an interesting narrative that has some warning signs for both sides of the political divide.

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To date, the two best hashtags we've seen to counter the just-released Republican tax plan are #BillionairesFirst and #NotOnePenny, so we decided to use them in our title. Because over the next few weeks, there will be a monstrous messaging battle between Republicans and Democrats over how their new tax cut plan should be framed. Democrats seem poised to win this battle, but then again there is no guarantee that's how it will play out. So today we thought we'd devote a large portion of the column to mustering up the arguments Democrats should immediately start making to any who will listen.

The optimism about how the public will ultimately react comes from some recent polling conducted before the GOP bill was even unveiled. A full half of the public is already opposed to the GOP tax plan, sight unseen, while only one-third supported it, a difference of 17 points. And a whopping six in ten people already think that the GOP proposals on tax cuts will favor the rich. Similar majorities already see the tax system rigged in favor of the wealthy and want to see corporations pay higher taxes, not lower. The mood of the country is already set against large tax cuts for the one percent and Wall Street, in other words, and Democrats just need to successfully tap into that mood.

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With much fanfare, the Republican tax plan was unveiled today. This is an incredibly complex piece of legislation, so it's going to take more than one column to adequately examine what all their proposed changes will mean to American taxpayers. On many of these details, the GOP kept their cards pretty close to their vest until today, meaning this is the first chance everyone's got to figure out how each of these proposed changes will impact them personally. One idea which emerged a few days before the proposal was formally unveiled is to shrink Schedule A to "the size of a postcard." Schedule A is where taxpayers figure their itemized deductions, so it encompasses a lot of the other GOP proposals as well. But today, I'm going to focus on two in particular, because they provide some of the strongest arguments for Democrats and progressives to use in opposing this plan.

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Today we were all supposed to see the unveiling of the Republicans' tax plan, complete with facts and figures, drafted as a bill Congress could pass. This has not happened yet, because they can't agree among themselves over the details and are even now radically changing their own plan to assuage their own membership. We might see their tax plan tomorrow, but then again maybe we won't. There are many aspects of the GOP's tax plan that are broadly known so far, and others which are vague and ill-defined. The latter is what everyone's waiting to see, because drafting an actual bill means putting figures on paper rather than just creating political talking points -- which is so far all Republicans have done on many aspects of their plan. But they did put numbers to one radical change to the income tax law already, so their proposal to almost double the standard deduction while eliminating personal exemptions can already be subject to a deep and wonky dive into the numbers.

As with almost any fundamental change to the tax system, answering the question "Is this going to help or hurt me and my family?" is a tough one to answer. This is especially true in this case, because it is an example of one hand taking while the other is giving away (or robbing Peter to pay Paul, choose your own metaphor). There are many factors involved, and the way the numbers work almost assures that there will indeed be both winners and losers at all income levels. Without seeing the final GOP plan, it's impossible to say what will happen to Schedule A, for instance, where Republicans have been eyeing removing deductions for state and local income taxes (including, up until a few days ago, also removing property tax deductions -- but that is rumored to have now changed). The proposed removal of the Alternative Minimum Tax will also impact how many families figure their deductions and their taxes. These and other changes make it complex to figure out who exactly will be benefiting, who will be losing out, and by how much.

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What with the holiday and all, I don't have time today to adequately comment on the big story in Washington this week: the indictments and plea deal connected to the investigation of Bob Mueller. Instead, I'm just going to offer up one brief observation that few in the media have yet made -- how remarkably tight-lipped the Mueller investigation has been, to date. In fact, all the rampant speculation that is currently flying about what to expect next from Mueller's team really proves the point, because speculation is all that is even possible in such a leak-free environment.

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